Kyrgyzstan in the Kremlin's Shadow

News:

Kyrgyz President Sadyr Zhaparov signed a decree on a large-scale reorganisation in the sphere of education and science. According to the document, instead of the Ministry of Education and Science, as well as the State Agency for Intellectual Property and Innovation, two separate agencies have been created: the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Science, Higher Education and Innovation. This was announced by the press service of the head of state on 12 May 2025.

Comment:

A similar division of departments was previously applied by the ‘big brother’. For example, in 2018 in Russia, the Ministry of Education was divided into the Ministry of Education and the Ministry of Science and Higher Education. Kyrgyzstan, continuing this trend, demonstrates an increasing desire to copy the administrative and legislative steps of its so-called ‘strategic geopolitical partner’ – Russia.

This imitation is clearly visible in information policy. In December 2019, Russia adopted a law expanding the concept of a ‘foreign agent’ to include individuals. Already in 2021, a large-scale wave of repression against independent media and journalists began under this pretext. Following this, in April 2024, the Kyrgyz parliament adopted the law ‘On Foreign Representation’, signed by the president.

This was followed by a campaign of pressure on independent media and non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Kyrgyzstan. Under the pretext of combating foreign influence and protecting national security, the persecution of dissidents, human rights defenders and journalists intensified. A number of media organisations were subjected to inspections, blockades and administrative pressure. In January 2024, authorities conducted large-scale searches of the editorial offices of publications such as 24.kg, Alga Media, Temirov LIVE and others. Computers and documents were seized and journalists were brought in for questioning. Some independent publications were forced to suspend work or significantly change their activities for fear of criminal prosecution.

This development is alarming for experts and observers, who previously viewed Kyrgyzstan as the only country in Central Asia that represented an island of freedom. It is likely that the Kremlin, sensing the weakening of its position in the international arena, especially against the backdrop of the Ukrainian issue, has become concerned about the fate of its influence in other regions, including Central Asian countries and Kyrgyzstan in particular.

Recently, Bishkek has increasingly adopted the Russian model of governance, in which tightening control and suppression of critical voices have become a systemic part of domestic politics. Whereas Moscow previously relied on loyal agents - such as Atambayev and Zheenbekov - who were given relative freedom to legislate the country, with the establishment of the Zhaparov regime, the Kremlin appears to have narrowed these ‘boundaries’ by reinforcing the vertical power structure and limiting the space for protest activity in the country.

This proves once again how much the authorities of Kyrgyzstan are under the influence of the Kremlin and pursue policies in the interests of the Kremlin rather than their own people. As long as the puppets of colonisers will be in power, the country and people will suffer in the abyss of misery and misfortune from the rule of tyranny and injustice.